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House of Assembly - Fifty-Fourth Parliament, Second Session (54-2)
2021-11-16 Daily Xml
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Palestinian Declaration of Independence

The Hon. A. PICCOLO (Light) (16:22): For obvious reasons, over the last 12 to 18 months, or almost two years, as a state, a nation and a world we have been preoccupied with COVID-19 and its ramifications. Sadly, as bad as COVID-19 is, other conflicts around the world have continued. The one I wish to speak about today in this place is the continuing problem in Palestine.

I speak about Palestine today because 15 November marks the annual anniversary of the Palestinian Declaration of Independence. On 15 November 1988, the Palestinian Declaration of Independence, written by the famed Palestinian author Mahmoud Darwish, was proclaimed by Yasser Arafat, then Chairman of the PLO. The Declaration of Independence is significant in that it affirmed Palestinian acceptance of the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1947, which had recommended the partition of Palestine into two states—modern day Palestine and Israel.

The Declaration of Independence was accompanied by a Palestinian call for multilateral negotiations on the basis of UN Security Council Resolution 242, which was adopted unanimously by the UN Security Council in November 1967 in the aftermath of the Six-Day War. This Palestinian call for multilateral negotiations was later coined 'the historic compromise'. It was confirmation of the willingness on the part of the Palestinian people to negotiate in good faith to bring an end to the conflict with the creation of two states, as had been envisioned by the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine of 1947.

Despite the concession of the Palestinian people, UN Security Council Resolution 242 adopted more than 50 years ago remains unfulfilled. It required the Israeli armed forces to withdraw from Gaza and the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) with the effect that these areas would constitute a Palestinian state.

Despite the rhetoric by successive Israeli governments of all colours of their commitment to a two-state solution, the occupation remains. And yet, while the occupation remains and continues, the Israeli government has the tenacity as the occupier to blame the Palestinian people as the occupied people for the continued occupation. This does not appear to be a temporary occupation.

As time passes the occupation takes on greater permanency in characteristics. As time continues to pass, the Israeli settlement occupation population—both Israeli state and non-state endorsed—continues to grow in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. With those settlements come further restrictions on the rights of the Palestinian people, particularly those near where those settlements have been established.

One need only look at the facts and figures contained on the website of the UN Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People to understand the continued suffering of the Palestinian people, despite the claims of the Israeli government that they are committed to a two-state solution.

Sixty-one per cent of the West Bank is off limits to the Palestinian people due to land allocation to Israeli settlements and settlements of local and regional councils. The West Bank separation wall has a total planned length of 712 kilometres—and 65.3 per cent is complete of which 85 per cent is located within the West Bank—land which is an integral part of the Palestinian state.

There are 5.6 million Palestinian refugees as of December 2019 registered with the UN agency responsible for Palestinian refugees. The refugee population is comprised of 1.4 million Palestinians in Gaza, 858,000 Palestinians in the West Bank, 2.2. million Palestinians in Jordan, 476,000 Palestinians in Lebanon and 562,000 Palestinians in Syria.

As to Israeli settlers in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem, there are approximately 630,000 Israelis in 150 settlements, which have been established in the West Bank since 1967, and 128 outpost settlements erected without official Israeli authorisation. This is in the state of Palestine. As these statistics clearly reveal, this is not a conflict of two equals, although the rhetoric of many would suggest otherwise. This is an asymmetrical conflict in which the Israeli state retains the more powerful position, and the Palestinian people bear a disproportionate amount of losses.

So long as these inequalities and inequities continue to exist, and the Israeli state continues to expand settlements and others allow it do it without consequence, then one must be left to query their commitment to the resolution of this conflict, and the establishment of two independent and sovereign states.

I reaffirm my commitment to the resolution of this house and call on the commonwealth government to recognise the State of Palestine. This would bring Australia into alignment with the international community, the overwhelming majority of whom have recognised the State of Palestine.

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