FEDERAL GOVERNMENT MINISTERIAL ACCOUNTABILITY

The Hon. I.K. HUNTER (15:57): Today, I rise to talk about the lack of ministerial accountability in the federal government. When the federal Liberal government was elected in 1996, Prime Minister John Howard released his ministerial code of conduct, which outlines standards and practices that were to be maintained at all times. This code was introduced with the promise of ensuring an open and responsible government. The code of conduct stated that 'it is vital that ministers and parliamentary secretaries do not by their conduct undermine public confidence in them or the government'. For the Howard government, this was obviously a non-core promise. The Howard government has now been in power for 11½ years and what have we seen since then? We have seen John Howard's Ministerial Code of Conduct repeatedly tossed aside. First of all, we have seen repeated conflicts of interest, as follows:

Richard Alston, during his time as communications minister was the beneficiary of a family trust holding Telstra shares.

Former small business minister Geoff Prosser resigned after it was revealed he was still running three shopping centres.

Former resources minister Warwick Parer, during the time of his ministry, held large interests in coal and other resource companies. I believe those interests were indeed large; they were around the $8 million mark.

Former industry minister John Moore, during the time of his ministry, held shares in numerous technology investment companies.

A large government contract was given to parliamentary secretary Warren Entsch's concrete company.

On top of this, we have seen David Jull, John Sharp and Peter McGauran all made to resign after allegations of travel rorts and cover-ups. But that is just the start. The credibility of the federal government is disappearing faster than ice in the Arctic. We have had 11 years of aspirational goals, mostly honoured in the breach, instead of transparency and honesty. We have had 11 years of hypocrisy instead of accountability, and we have seen special privileges for family members.

Wilson Tuckey lobbied a state police minister on behalf of his son over a minor traffic infringement, and Peter Reith lent his government phone card to his son, who then proceeded to rack up phone bills on the taxpayers' slate. Also, we have seen numerous disgraced former ministers move into high paying industry jobs in areas of their previous portfolio responsibilities. Immediately after he resigned as defence minister, Peter Reith was hired as a consultant to defence contractor Tenix, and health minister Michael Wooldridge signed a building contract for the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners worth $5 million just days before he resigned as health minister and was subsequently employed by—guess who?—the college as a consultant.

However, it is not just former ministers who have become involved in this constant stream of code of conduct breaches. Many current senior cabinet ministers have also been involved in such scandals: Senator Coonan avoided land tax while she was minister for revenue and was later forced to resign from her position on the board of directors of the insurance dispute resolution company she ran from her own home. Employment services minister Mal Brough promoted work education programs that were later revealed to be fundraisers for the Liberal Party. Industry minister Ian Macfarlane was part of a detailed system of rorting that involved GST rebates from fundraisers that he was involved in which were organised by the Liberal Party. Treasurer Peter Costello proceeded to appoint Liberal Party donor, Robert Gerard, to the board of the Reserve Bank even after being informed by Mr Gerard that he was part of a 14-year Australian Taxation Office tax evasion dispute.

We have also seen some outright shonks: Peter McGauran, while acting minister of communications, was unable to remember that he owned 70 poker machines. How can you forget you own 70 poker machines? The list got so bad that the Prime Minister, Mr Howard, dumped his code of conduct overboard rather than lose any other ministers. Finally, we come to the Prime Minister himself with a long list of misdemeanours, whose familiarity with the truth leaves much to be desired—and I may revisit this issue in a few weeks.

The history I have outlined today can hardly be described as the record of an inclusive government, built on integrity and openness, or of a Prime Minister who can proclaim, 'I've got nothing to hide.' Prime Minister John Howard told ABC Radio in 1995:

Truth is absolute, truth is supreme, truth is never disposable in national political life.

For this Prime Minister, truth seems to have been the first casualty in his large collection of 'ministers overboard'.