AUNG SAN SUU KYI

Ms CHAPMAN (Bragg) (10:58): I move:

That this house congratulates Aung San Suu Kyi on her election to the Burmese parliament.

It is with pleasure that I move this motion to congratulate Aung San Suu Kyi on her election to the Burmese parliament. I am sure many of the female members—I know this is true of the member for Ashford, for example—have watched the life and sacrifice of Aung San Suu Kyi who, as many other members would be aware, has been a Nobel Prize laureate and has championed the cause of her own people in Burma in her role as a veteran dissident but also a democracy campaigner.

It has been very important to her, having come from a family of leadership, that she devote her life, which she has demonstrably done, to the plight of her people. I am sure many other members would be aware that, after nearly 60 years of civil war in Burma, and now, I think, nearly 50 years in total of military rule in that country, it is a country which is really at the beginning of a long road to democratic leadership and government.

I think it is fair to say that the current President, Thein Sein, has really invoked the development of the opportunity for democratic rule and the release of oppression of the Burmese people, and I think he has to take some credit. I do not give him a lot in this presentation today because I think there has been very significant international pressure, particularly from western countries, to really ensure that Burma moves in this direction, but it seems as though he has listened and, under his rule, we have seen some relaxation in the oppressive management of that country. We have seen some relaxation in the censorship laws; and we have seen some opportunity now for there to be a political protest without persecution or prosecution.

That has been a very rocky road, and those of you who have followed Aung San Suu Kyi with admiration as I have, acknowledge her sacrifice of really 15 years of imprisonment by the military junta and continued periods of house arrest. During that time, she saw the death of her husband and the capacity for her to be able to be with her sons (who were living, I think, at that stage in England) was aborted because she knew that if she were to leave that house arrest, if she were to leave the country, she would never have the opportunity to go back and help bring some deliverance to her people. That is an extraordinary sacrifice. Her sons grew up and were educated, largely without their mother on a day-to-day basis. This is an enormous personal sacrifice and, for that alone, she deserves applauding around the world. She continues to fight on, and at 66 years of age, on 1 April this year, she contested one of the many by-elections that were held that day in Burma and won, to hold a seat in the 664 seat parliament in Burma.

I recognise the president's relaxation of those rules—they are even allowed to have unions now in Burma. These are very important initiatives which come with the democratic process, ensuring that the institutions of representation and the capacity for the public not only to speak individually but also through their own agreed representatives—whether it is a union or an association, but a representative body—without fear that they are going to be gaoled, etc.

In the interests of time, I will briefly read from The Weekend Australian of 31 March-1 April just to formally place on record the initiatives of the new political parties that occurred during that by-election for some of the seats, and I quote:

A total of 17 parties, including six new to politics, will contest by-elections in Burma tomorrow, with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi standing for parliament for the first time. The parties are fielding 160 candidates alongside eight independents running for 45 seats vacated by legislators appointed to government positions.

The main parties: National League for Democracy (I am sure well known) Aung Suu Kyi's own party was founded (by her) in 1988 after a popular uprising against the military junta that left thousands dead. Two years later the party won elections in a landslide, but the results were never recognised by the regime. The NLD boycotted a 2010 election that swept the army's allies to power, saying the rules were unfair, and was stripped of its status as a legal political party. Observers believe the regime want Suu Kyi to win a seat in the polls to give its reformist program legitimacy and spur the West into easing sanctions.

Union Solidarity and Development Party: The military-backed USDP—which won about 80 per cent of the seats available in 2010—is contesting all 45 seats, but will keep its majority whatever the outcome.

National Democratic Force: Formed by a group of breakaway NLD members, the NDF's decision to stand in the 2010 elections put it at odds with Suu Kyi. It won a handful of seats in parliament and is fielding 11 by-election candidates.

Shan Nationalities Democratic Party: The party is counting on the support of the Shan, the second-largest ethnic group in Burma, in the three constituencies it is contesting. Widely known as the White Tiger Party, it is headed by a prominent ethnic Shan leader Sai Aik Paung.

Members will know that the people of Burma came to admire Suu Kyi at such a high level. She became known as Mother Suu and Aunty Suu and is colloquially known as the The Lady.

She has had international recognition. She formed part of a group which, through their own personal sacrifice and perseverance, has brought about, I think, the plea to the West, to which it has responded with sanctions and is now considering the withdrawal of some of those sanctions to allow Burma to develop into a democratic country, to provide peace and prosperity to their people and to ensure that they have an opportunity to become members of the world community again. These are very important steps to assist Burma to its place in the world which it will enjoy, I think, with The Lady taking her place in the parliament.

Members may also be aware that, under the constitution in Burma, if a member of parliament elects to become a member or is offered a place and accepts a position in the governing party in the government, then they have to forfeit their right under their constitution to sit in the parliament. Aung San Suu Kyi has made it very clear that, having fought so long to be a member of the parliament, she would not even accept a position with the government if it meant sacrificing her right in the parliament.

I think that again is a very important demonstration of this lady toward her people having the protection of parliament against any wanton excesses of government where, in a military-backed circumstance, they have perpetrated such oppression on the people during the last 50 years. What an extraordinary woman! What an international leader! She deserves our congratulations.

I feel sure that other members in the parliament will join me in this motion. I look forward to others having an opportunity to speak on it because I think we need to send a message to Burma to say that they are on the right track. They have deservedly elected someone who has been their patriot, an international champion, all her life and she will be rewarded with a place in parliament.

I understand that when she was asked recently what her dream was—which is often asked of those who are martyrs in these circumstances of bringing about reform in their countries—she said, 'We don't dream. We set out to get what we want.' Is that not a true indication of someone who is committed to outcomes to deliver for the people and not just sitting there with some idle vision? Good on her, and we wish her well in her very large battle of being one voice in a 664-seat parliament, but she certainly has my congratulations and I hope the parliament will join me in sharing that with her.

The Hon. S.W. KEY (Ashford) (11:09): I would like to congratulate the member for Bragg on bringing this motion to this chamber. Aung San Suu Kyi has always been a 'she-ro' of mine and someone I have followed. I have followed the work that she has done and the international position that she has held for quite some time. In fact, one of her most famous speeches, entitled Freedom From Fear, begins:

It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it.

She also believes that fear spurs many world leaders to lose sight of their purpose. She also said:

Government leaders are amazing. So often it seems that they are the last to know what the people want.

Burma's long-time democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi, was yesterday, 2 May 2012, officially sworn in as a member of parliament, taking office for the first time after spending much of the past two decades under house arrest. The Nobel laureate took the oath of office to enter Burma's lower legislative house, ending a parliamentary boycott that had threatened to interrupt the country's political reform process.

For more than a week, the 66-year-old opposition leader and her National League for Democracy had refused to take the oath because it required them to safeguard the constitution which was drafted by Burma's former military rulers. However, the NLD earlier this week agreed to take the pledge while vowing to push for constitutional change through legislative action. Aung San Suu Kyi said, after taking the oath, that she had no qualms about sitting next to Burmese military members, who still make up the bulk of the country's parliament, but she said that she would like to see the country's legislative bodies be more democratic. She said:

We would like our parliament to be more in line with genuine democratic values. It's not because we want to remove anybody, as such. We just want to make the kind of improvements that would make our national assembly truly democratic.

Parliament member Win Oo, of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, praised Aung San Suu Kyi's decision to back down from her parliamentary boycott. He said:

The fact that Suu Kyi has come to the parliament is good because, as we have said so many times, if we want to achieve things for the benefit of people and the country we should let sleeping dogs lie.

The NLD won 43 of 45 seats available in the 1 April by-elections and now has become the main opposition party in Burma's bicameral legislature that is still dominated by military-backed political parties. Observers say that the NLD is not likely to have enough power to effect much immediate change to the constitution which sets aside a quarter of its seats in parliament for unelected military members.

Aung San Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory in the general elections in 1990, but military leaders at the time refused to relinquish power and the victors were refused entry into parliament. Since 2010, President Thein Sein said his nominally civilian government had enacted a series of democratic reforms, including easing press restrictions and releasing hundreds of political prisoners. The international community has responded to reforms by lifting many of the longstanding sanctions against Burma, but some rights groups are reacting to the reforms with guarded optimism.

While international calls for the release of additional political prisoners in Burma have been muted following the release of several high-profile activists in May 2011, rights groups estimate that there are still hundreds of prisoners of conscience who are yet to be released. Obviously, the struggle continues, and it is great to see that we now have Aung San Suu Kyi in a position where she can speak and make sure that we understand what is happening in that country. I commend the motion.

Mr BIGNELL (Mawson) (11:14): I rise today to support this motion. I returned from Burma on Monday and, while it is an exciting time for all the Burmese people, who are extremely pleased with the election result, where the National League for Democracy won 43 of the 45 seats up for grabs in the by-election, there is a lot of work still to be done. We went to the office of the National League for Democracy and met with one of the newly-elected members, U Win Htein. Win Htein is a 71-year old man who has spent more than 20 years in gaol. He was tortured many times along the way and lost many of his close friends and colleagues, who were executed because of their political beliefs.

Burma has had centuries of oppression and brutality inflicted upon it going back to the invasion of the Mongols and others who have come in, such as the English in 1885. The Burmese people fought against the English, and then of course they have had their own civil war in their fight against the Burmese military over the past several decades. There is a window here where people can finally look at a future for their country, for Burma, a beautiful country full of rich resources such as teak, rubies, uranium and other minerals, and they are very much looking forward to a peaceful life.

However, there is a danger in the fact that the National League for Democracy is now moving from a group of dissidents who have been out there fighting for democracy in the country, and now needs to transform into a political party that can work within the political system of Burma to achieve results. They will need to have policies, and during next three years, until the next general election, they will need to put up strong cases for change, give good reasons why those changes should come about, and present good policy to move Burma forward and return it to its rightful place in the international community.

From what I saw at the headquarters of the National League for Democracy, they have a lot of work to do. There were no computers in the office and it seemed fairly disorganised. When I met with U Win Htein—we spent about 45 minutes together—he had to excuse himself four or five times to answer the phone because there were no support staff there. He was sharing a desk with another MP, and the desk was packed high with correspondence and envelopes that had not been opened.

We need to give these people in the National League for Democracy a hand. One of the undertakings that I gave to U Win Htein was that we would seek to support them in any way we could, including providing computers, so that they can actually set up an office that can function in the way that a modern political party needs to operate, as well as getting support from our party, the Australian Labor Party, which was formed on the basis of looking after the underdog. And if there is ever an underdog in the international community at the moment it is Burma and the people of that beautiful country.

Since I returned on Monday I have spoken to many people within the party, from people in Young Labor, who might be university students or young lawyers, to colleagues in this place, right up to the Premier. Every one of them has pledged to do whatever they can to support the National League for Democracy. I have written to Aung San Suu Kyi to ask what it is she would like for her party and what we can do to help them. That might involve sending people from here over to Burma to train people, or it might mean that they want to send officials or MPs from their party to Australia so that we can provide training for them.

If we do not help them over the next three years and they do not improve their stocks as a political party, if they go to the election in 2015 and have the widespread victory that we saw on 1 April during the by-elections, then the country may well have a political vacuum. If there is a political vacuum there, it can give cause to the military to come back in with their guns and say 'This democracy thing really didn't work after all, because you elected a party that has no platform, it has no policies and therefore we need to step back in.'

We saw that happen in 1988 after what started out as peaceful demonstrations in Rangoon at the university, and it led to the killing of thousands of people, those protesters. That is where we saw Aung San Suu Kyi emerge as the leader for a democratic Burma. After several weeks of bloodshed, the army at that time said, 'Okay, it's time for us to back away. Put up your hand. Who wants to lead this country?' There was no real viable option there. No-one put forward a viable option to lead the country, and so the military stepped back in.

My great fear is that Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy have been given this opportunity to stand for election on 1 April in the by-election with an enormous amount of support right throughout the country, and the work that needs to be done in the next three years by that party is indeed an immense body of work. As I have said, I am prepared to help them in any way I can, and there are many members in the Labor Party who are prepared to help them and offer any help they could possibly need.

We must pay tribute to those people within the Burmese government who have allowed things to change. The member for Bragg mentioned the current President, Thein Sein, who in the face of great international pressure did allow the National League for Democracy to stand, and indeed allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to stand, in those by-elections on 1 April. There are also five or six ministers who realise that the old way is not the correct way, so we should not throw the baby out with the bathwater.

There are 10 or so ministers who are dyed-in-the-wool military people who want Burma to go back to the bad old days of just a few months ago. They are the ones who need to be ousted, but there are some people in the ministry who are forward thinking and progressive, and I think it is up to the National League for Democracy to work with those ministers for a brighter future for Burma.

It was interesting when I was there to look at the local newspapers. Things that could not be printed just six months ago were on the front page: images of the National League for Democracy flag and pictures of people who are now MPs but who were at that stage candidates. People who are members of the National League for Democracy Party were allowed to be photographed in images where they were joyous and celebrating their victory. In the past, the only time their photographs were allowed to be published, or they were allowed to be mentioned in the paper, was when they were being sent to gaol.

It is great to see progress being made, and I think the world is looking on in hope that things will improve even further over the next six to 12 months and, indeed, in the lead-up to the next general election in 2015. It does worry me a little that Burma is so rich in resources that some countries who will be lifting their sanctions will also be having an eye on ripping out many of those resources. We have seen China doing it over the years because they have not had sanctions in place against Burma.

Burma has 80 per cent of the world's teak forests, and the Chinese have taken that teak over the Chinese border, being aided and abetted by the Burmese military in many cases. It would be a great pity to see all these resources taken out of Burma before it has a chance to get on its feet economically, so I think some of the first legislation that the Burmese parliament should be looking at is some sort of sovereign fund, or some other way that allows the rest of the world in but keeps a lot of the money in the Burmese economy for the good of the Burmese people well into the future. They are going to need to have a strong economy to back up what, hopefully, will be a strong political system in their country.

I wish Aung San Suu Kyi and all the members of the National League for Democracy all the very best in their quest to make Burma an even better place.

Ms BEDFORD (Florey) (11:24): The contributions have been excellent, and I just want to put some more information on the record to put into context Aung San Suu Kyi's contribution so that people who read today's debate will have more of an understanding. She was born in Rangoon (now named Yangon), and her father, Aung San, founded the modern Burmese army and negotiated Burma's independence from the British Empire in 1947. He was assassinated by his rivals in the same year.

Aung San Suu Kyi grew up with her mother, Khin Kyi, and her brothers, Aung San Lin and Aung San Oo, in Rangoon. Aung San Lin died at the age of eight, when he drowned in an ornamental lake in the grounds of the house.

She was educated at Methodist English High School—now the Basic Education High School No. 1 in Dagon—for much of her childhood in Burma, where she was noted as having a talent for learning languages. Suu Kyi's mother, Khin Kyi, gained prominence as a political figure in the newly formed Burmese government. She was appointed Burmese ambassador to India and Nepal in 1960.

In 1988, the long-time military leader of Burma and head of the ruling party, General Ne Win, stepped down. Mass demonstrations for democracy followed that event on 8 August 1988, or 8.8.88, which is obviously seen as a greatly auspicious date in the Chinese calendar and so forth. The uprisings were violently suppressed in what became known as the 8888 Uprising.

On 26 August 1988, Aung San Suu Kyi addressed half a million people at a mass rally in front of the Shwedagon Pagoda in the capital, calling for a democratic government. However, in September, a new military junta took power. Influenced by both Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolence and more specifically by Buddhist concepts, Aung San Suu Kyi entered politics to work for democratisation. She helped found the National League for Democracy on 27 September 1988, but was put under house arrest on 20 July 1989. Offered freedom if she left the country, she refused.

In 1990, the military junta called a general election in which the National League for Democracy received 59 per cent of the votes, guaranteeing the NLD 80 per cent of the parliamentary seats. Some claim that Aung San Suu Kyi would have assumed the office of prime minister. In fact, however, she was not permitted. She did not stand as a candidate in the elections, although being a MP is not a strict prerequisite for becoming prime minister in most parliamentary systems.

Instead, the results were nullified and the military refused to hand over power, resulting in an international outcry. Aung San Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest at her home on University Avenue in Rangoon, during which time she was awarded the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought in 1990 and the Nobel Peace Prize the year after. Her sons, Alexander and Kim, accepted the Nobel Peace Prize on her behalf.

Aung San Suu Kyi used the Nobel Peace Prize's $US1.3 million prize money to establish a health and education trust for the Burmese people. I think everyone agrees that she is an outstanding person and a great example to everybody. I commend the motion.

Ms CHAPMAN (Bragg) (11:27): I am indebted to other members for their very worthy contributions to this debate and indication of support for the motion. I am delighted that there has been such due consideration given to recording the outstanding 66 years that Aung San Suu Kyi has already given to the world for which, I think, she will be revered by her people in perpetuity.

I will say that I think that, with the indication of support from other members of the house across political parties, it would be very important for our new foreign minister, the Hon. Bob Carr, to take up leadership in this. He knows that he will have the clear support of the people of this parliament across the political persuasions to assist Burma in its recovery and to look carefully at the sanctions which have been imposed by Australia, quite properly, during preceding decades. He will know that, at least from South Australia, there will be support for the rebuilding of that relationship.

Some of our own forebears have spent extensive time in Burma through a very sad period during World War II. So, some Australians are already familiar with very dark times for Burma from a very long time ago, but when one appreciates the work of Aung San Suu Kyi and the plight of her people over generations, we understand how inestimable her contribution has been, and we wish her well.

I also thank the member for Mawson for raising the importance of countries assisting others on the road to democracy. Just recently, I mention for members, there have been years of dealing, I suppose in my generation, with the freedom and democracy in South Africa and the bringing down of the Berlin Wall in Germany. More recently, in the late 1980s, there was the development of democracy in Mongolia. Australian institutions, of which I was a representative, assisted in the development of the Mongolian Constitution on its road to democracy, which ultimately culminated in a democratic constitution being passed in the parliament, and it is now effective. I think it is now in its 20^th year, having passed in 1992. Mongolia has had 20 years of democratically elected parliaments.

I am sad to say, for the ladies of the parliament, that there are only three female members in the Mongolian parliament. There were great expectations that in Mongolia, being a country where the overwhelming majority of positions in the legal and medical world are filled by women, there would be a much higher representation of women in that parliament. That has not come to pass yet but, nevertheless, one can only look to the future.

Burma is a new democracy and it deserves our support, and today we recognise a true saint of democracy for the country of Burma. I hope the motion will pass without dissent.

Motion carried.